Port Elliot was proclaimed by the Governor of South Australia, Sir Henry Young, on August 28, 1851. He named the town in honour of his friend, Sir Charles Elliot, who was at that time the Governor of Bermuda.

A great future was envisaged for the port, with the construction of a horse-drawn railway from Goolwa to Port Elliot (Australia’s first public railway).

Port Elliot was to have acted as the major south coast seaport for the transport of goods which had been shipped down the Murray River.

Unfortunately for the schemers and dreamers, the water was too shallow and the port proved unviable.

Nevertheless, the railway went through and the town prospered to some degree as a tourist destination.

The prosperity was not so great however, to indulge in the construction of an impressive council chamber. Indeed, there were some residents who thought the building was totally unnecessary.

According to the South Australian Register, about 40 people attended a meeting of the district council on March 5, 1879 at Warland’s Hotel.

The chairman, Mr AR Addison, said the council had 400 pounds in the bank and could well afford to spend 120 pounds on a building to call home, transact business and “deposit the valuable documents belonging to the district”.

Mr F Ellis and Mr J Dodd disagreed, saying “it would be much better to spend the money on roads” but they were of the minority view.

Thanks to Mr Addison and his far-sighted colleagues, Port Elliot today has this lasting grand architectural legacy.

The Alexandrina Council hires out the building as a meeting room.

The museum acquired 111 medals from the David Allen collection at auction in November 2011.

Aldinga Annual Ploughing Match medal 1853.

According to the National Museum, many of the medals are associated with significant individuals and organisations.

These include the Port Phillip Farmers Society, which was formed in 1848 by a group of farmers on Moonee Ponds Creek.

You might say it was the original version of the state farmer federations we know today.

As gold-rush Victoria boomed, the society was the only organisation in the colony that was interested in the affairs of the farmer.

In 1855 the society convinced the Victorian government to make its first contribution to aid agriculture in the colony, an amount of 500 pounds to supplement prizes as the annual show and ploughing matches.

It also successfully lobbied government to develop a Government Experimental Farm, which opened at Dookie in the Benalla district in 1877, and worked to convince government to establish a Board of Agriculture and contribute to various competitions to improve stock and crops.

This successful attraction of government support probably paid for the medals, which have now been obtained by the museum.

I haven’t seen agricultural medals before, but in my coin collection I have a Sunday School medallion from the 19th century that looks like a large bronze coin.

The original collector of the medals, David Allen, was a numismatist and little is known of each medal’s provenance before he acquired them.

The museum is therefore seeking public assistance to identify the medals and tell their stories.

All the medals can be seen here. Information about them can be emailed to curator@nma.gov.au.

Here is an interview given by Dr Martha Sears, from the National Museum of Australia, to ABC Radio:

Ruins of the Black Swan Hotel at Barfold, Victoria. Picture by Dave Callaway

However, a brief visit today yielded an interesting snippet regarding my great-great grandparents James and Sarah Evans.

I knew from Shire of Metcalfe rate books they owned a property at Barfold in Central Victoria between 1866 and 1876. I also knew that James was at various times a farmer, road building contractor and publican.

Everyone knows that running a pub isn’t easy, as this report from The Argus newspaper in Melbourne on January 24, 1872 confirms:

“A drunken and fatal brawl,” reports the Kyneton Observer, “took place on Sunday afternoon, at Barfold. Two men in a state of stupefaction commenced a quarrel at the house of an inkeeper named Evans. An argument arose between the deceased Thomas Corbin and a man named Isaac Simpson. Before any one could interpose, the two men were struggling in a small room off the bar. After sundry blows had been exchanged the deceased fell heavily to the ground, the accused falling on top of him. At this moment the landlord entered, and took Simpson by the collar and thrust him out. The deceased then called out, ‘Mrs. Evans, Mrs. Evans, I am a done man.’ He breathed heavily, rolled back his eyes, and died within a few minutes of the onset of the row.” At the inquest, a verdict of manslaughter was returned against Simpson, who was then committed for trial.

I searched for the trial report, but couldn’t find one. Unfortunately the Kyneton Observer hasn’t been digitised yet.

I might check the inquest file one day at the Public Record Office.

Note: The picture above is published courtesy of Dave Callaway. It is believed to be the ruins of the Black Swan Hotel at Barfold. I don’t know if that’s the building where the fatal brawl occurred.

It was a memorable speech, perhaps the one for which Menzies is best known, along with his adulation of the Queen (I did but see her passing by).

Here is the full transcript of Menzies’ speech:

Fellow Australians, it is my melancholy duty to inform you officially that in consequence of a persistence by Germany in her invasion of Poland, Great Britain has declared war upon her and that, as a result, Australia is also at war. No harder task can fall to the lot of a democratic leader than to make such an announcement. Great Britain and France, with the cooperation of the British Dominions, have struggled to avoid this tragedy. They have, as I firmly believe, been patient. They have kept the door of negotiation open. They have given no cause for aggression. But in the result, their efforts have failed and we are therefore, as a great family of nations, involved in a struggle which we must at all costs win and which we believe in our hearts we will win.

What I want to do tonight is just to put before you, honestly, and as clearly as I can, a short account of how this crisis has developed.

The history of recent months in Europe has been an eventful one. It will exhibit to the eyes of the future student some of the most remarkable instances of a ruthlessness and indifference to common humanity which the darkest centuries of European history can scarcely parallel. Moreover, it will, I believe, demonstrate that the leader of Germany has, for a long time, steadily pursued a policy which was deliberately designed to produce either war or a subjugation of one non-German country after another by the threat of war.

We all have vivid recollections of September of last year. Speaking in Berlin on September the 26th 1938, Hitler said, referring to the Sudeten German problem, which was then approaching its acutest stage, ‘And now the last problem which must be solved, and which will be solved, concerns us. It is the last territorial claim which I have to make in Europe.’ Four days later, at Munich, when the problem had been settled on terms which provided for the absorption of the Sudeten country into Germany, and which otherwise professed to respect the integrity of the remainder of the Czechoslovak state, Hitler participated with the Prime Minister of Great Britain in a statement which went out to all the world.

It’s most important sentence was this: ‘We are resolved that the method of consultation shall be the method adopted to deal with any other question that may concern our two countries, and we are determined to continue our efforts to remove possible causes of difference, and thus to contribute to assure the peace of Europe.’

What a strange piece of irony that seems today, only 12 months later. In those 12 months, what has happened? In cold-blooded breach of the solemn obligations implied in both the statements I have quoted, Hitler has annexed the whole of the Czechoslovak state. Has, without flickering an eyelid, made a pact with Russia, a country the denouncing and reviling of which has been his chief stock-in-trade ever since he became chancellor. And has now, under circumstances which I will describe to you, invaded with armed force and in defiance of civilised opinion, the independent nation of Poland. Your own comments on this dreadful history will need no reinforcement by me. All I need say is, that whatever the inflamed ambitions of the German Fuhrer may be, he will undoubtedly learn, as other great enemies of freedom have learned before, that no empire, no dominion, can be soundly established upon a basis of broken promises or dishonoured agreements.

Let me now say something about the events of the last few days. The facts are not really in dispute. They are, for the most part, contained in documents which are now a matter of record.

On Friday August the 25th, that is, nine days ago, Hitler asked the British Ambassador to call on him, and had a long interview with him. Hitler said that he wished to make a move towards England, as decisive as his recent Russian move, but that first the problem of Danzig and the Corridor must be solved. He went on to indicate that he was looking forward to a general European settlement and that if this could be achieved, he would be willing to accept a reasonable limitation of armaments. On Saturday August the 26th, the British Ambassador flew to London to give a detailed account of his conversation to the British Government. On Sunday the 27th, the British Cabinet fully considered the whole matter and, incidentally, was apprised by me of the views of the Australian Government.

On Monday August the 28th, the British reply, which I may say was entirely in line with our own views, was taken back to Berlin and was delivered to Hitler in the evening. That reply stated that the British Government desired a complete and lasting understanding between the two countries and agreed that a prerequisite to such a state of affairs was a settlement of the German-Polish differences. It emphasised the obligations which Great Britain had to Poland and made it clear that Great Britain could not acquiesce in a settlement which would put in jeopardy the independence of a state to which it had given its guarantee. The government said, however, that it would be prepared to participate in an international guarantee or any settlement reached by direct negotiation between Germany and Poland which did not prejudice Poland’s essential interests. The note pointed out that the Polish Government was ready to enter into discussions and that it was hoped that the German Government would do the same.

On the night of Tuesday August the 29th, Hitler communicated to Sir Neville Henderson his reply to the British note. In it he reiterated his demands, but agreed to accept the British Government’s offer of its good offices in securing the dispatch to Berlin of a Polish emissary. In the meantime, it was stated, the German Government would draw up proposals acceptable to itself and would, if possible, place these at the disposal of the British Government before the arrival of the Polish negotiator. Astonishingly enough, for the German proposals were not then even drafted, the note went on to say that the German Government counted on the arrival of the Polish emissary on Wednesday August the 30th, which was the very next day. Sir Neville Henderson pointed out at once that this was an impossible condition, but Hitler assured him that it was only intended to stress the urgency of the matter. On the Wednesday, Hitler’s communication was received by the British Government and their reply was handed by Sir Neville Henderson to von Ribbentrop, the German Foreign Minister, at midnight.

At the same time the British Ambassador asked whether the German proposals which were to be drawn up were ready, and suggested that von Ribbentrop should invite the Polish Ambassador to call and should hand to him the proposals for transmission to his government. I would have thought this was a very sensible suggestion. But von Ribbentrop rejected it in violent terms. Von Ribbentrop then produced a lengthy document containing the German proposals, which you subsequently saw in the newspapers, and read it aloud in German at top speed. Sir Neville Henderson naturally asked for a copy of the document but the reply was that it now was too late as the Polish representative had not arrived in Berlin by midnight.

You see what a travesty the whole thing was. The German Government was treating Poland as in default, because she had not by Wednesday night offered an opinion upon, or discussed with Germany, a set of proposals of which, in fact, she had at that time never heard. Indeed, apart from the hurried reading to which I’ve referred, the British Government had no account of these proposals until they were broadcast in Germany on Thursday August the 31st. On the night of August the 31st, the Polish ambassador at Berlin saw von Ribbentrop and told him that the Polish Government was willing to negotiate with Germany about their disputes on an equal basis. The only reply was that German troops passed the Polish frontier and began war upon the Poles at dawn on the morning of Friday September the 1st.

One further fact should be mentioned and it is this. In the British Government’s communication of August the 30th, it informed the German Chancellor that it recognised the need for speed and that it also recognised the dangers which arose from the fact that two mobilised armies were facing each other on opposite sides of the Polish frontier, and that accordingly, it strongly urged that both Germany and Poland should undertake that during the negotiations no aggressive military movements would take place. That being communicated to Poland, the Polish Government on Thursday August the 31st, categorically stated that it was prepared to give a formal guarantee that during negotiations Polish troops would not violate the frontiers provided a corresponding guarantee was given by Germany. The German Government made no reply whatever.

My comments on these events need not be very long. The matter was admirably stated by the British Prime Minister to the House of Commons in these words: ‘It is plain therefore that Germany claims to treat Poland as in the wrong because she had not by Wednesday night entered upon discussions with Germany about a set of proposals of which she had never heard.’

Let me elaborate this a little. You can make an offer of settlement for two entirely different purposes. You may make your offer genuinely and hoping to have it accepted or discussed with a view to avoiding war. On the other hand, you may make it, hoping to use it as window dressing and with no intention or desire to have it accepted. If I were to make an offer to my neighbour about a piece of land in dispute between us, and before he had had the faintest opportunity of dealing with my offer, I’ve violently assaulted him, my offer would stand revealed as a fraud. If Germany had really desired a peaceful settlement of questions relating to Danzig and the Corridor, she would have taken every step to see that her proposals were adequately considered by Poland and that there was proper opportunity for discussion. In other words, if Germany had wanted peace, does anybody believe that there would today be fighting on the Polish frontier, or that Europe would be plunged into war? Who wanted war? Poland? Great Britain? France? A review of all these circumstances makes it clear that the German Chancellor has, throughout this week of tension, been set upon war and that the publication of his proposals for settlement was designed merely as a bid for world opinion before he set his armies on the move.

We have of course been deluged with propaganda from Berlin. We have been told harrowing stories of the oppression of Germans. We have been told that Poland invaded Germany. We have even been told, somewhat contradictorily, that Germany was forced to invade Poland in order to defend herself against aggression. The technique of German propaganda, of carefully fomented agitations in neighbouring countries, the constant talk of persecution and injustice – these are all nauseatingly familiar to us. We made the acquaintance of all of them during the dispute over Czechoslovakia, and we may well ask what has become of the Czech minority and the Slovak minority since the forced absorption of their country into the German state. It is plain, indeed it is brutally plain, that the Hitler ambition has been not, as he once said, to unite the German peoples under one rule but to bring under that rule as many European countries, even of alien race, as can be subdued by force.

If such a policy were allowed to go unchecked there could be no security in Europe and there could be no just peace for the world. A halt has been called. Force has had to be resorted to, to check the march of force. Honest dealing, the peaceful adjustment of differences, the rights of independent peoples to live their own lives, the honouring of international obligations and promises, all these things are at stake. There never was any doubt as to where Great Britain stood in relation to them. There can be no doubt that where Great Britain stands there stand the people of the entire British world.

Bitter as we all feel at this wanton crime, this is not a moment for rhetoric. Prompt as the action of many thousands must be, it is for the rest a moment for quiet thinking, for that calm fortitude that rests not upon the beating of drums but upon the unconquerable spirit of man created by God in his own image. What may be before us we do not know, nor how long the journey. But this we do know: that truth is our companion on that journey; that truth is with us in the battle; and that truth must win.

Before I end, may I say this to you – in the bitter months that have come, calmness, resoluteness, confidence and hard work will be required as never before. This war will involve not only soldiers and sailors and airmen, but supplies, foodstuffs, money. Our staying power, and particularly the staying power of the mother country, will be best assisted by keeping our production going; by continuing our avocations and our business as freely as we can; by maintaining employment and, with it, our strength. I know that in spite of the emotions we are all feeling, you will show that Australia is ready to see it through. May God in his mercy and compassion grant that the world may soon be delivered from this agony.

Comment

As the curator of the National Archives notes: “The Prime Minister’s words are statesman-like, his voice thick and low. His English is refined and reminiscent of a time when the British Empire lived on in the voices of the Australian people. Menzies’s language is grandiose: ‘Whatever the inflamed ambitions of the German Führer may be, he will undoubtedly learn, as other great enemies of freedom have learned before, that no empire, no dominion, can be soundly established upon a basis of broken promises or dishonoured agreements.’

Menzies mostly speaks in the third person, as though he plays no personal part in the story but knows all the facts. This technique enhances the sense of objectivity and reliability of the information being given but also creates distance between the audience and the story. To overcome this disadvantage, Menzies occasionally switches to first person, personalising his views to relate to his audience: ‘Your own comments on this dreadful history will need no reinforcement by me.’

Menzies denounces the need for rhetoric but arguably uses it to support the ideal of Australia fighting for her motherland: ‘There can be no doubt that where Great Britain stands, there stands the people of the entire British world. Bitter as we all feel at this wanton crime, this is not a moment for rhetoric … I know that in spite of the emotions we are all feeling, you will show that Australia is ready to see it through. May God in his mercy and compassion grant that the world may soon be delivered from this agony.’

My comment

Menzies did what he had to do, delivering a message that Australians were unhappy to hear after the celebratory start and ultimate catastrophe of the First World War.

There was no dispute that Australia should enter the Second World War, but the country was still hurting from the earlier conflict.

Menzies captured the public mood through his speech, but failed to hold his Coalition Government together, losing power in 1941 when two independent MPs switched their support to Labor.

The Smyth Chapel at Adelaide’s West Terrace Cemetery was built in 1870-71.

Situated in the Catholic area, the quaint historic chapel is said to be of a rare design and style in Australia.

Built as a memorial to the Very Reverend John Smyth, the design by EJ Woods was chosen as a result of a competition conducted by the Smyth Memorial Fund Committee in the latter part of 1870.

The foundation stone was laid on December 18, 1870 by the venerable Archdeacon Russell VG. The opening ceremony, in front of a large crowd, was held on October 22, 1871.

Constructed by Peters and Jones for about £472, the chapel is octagonal on a plan of 6.4m internal diameter with an open timber roof rising from each angle and surmounted by an ornate fleche. Built of bluestone with freestone dressings, each of the buttresses features a carved gargoyle.

The Smyth Chapel is available for small funeral services.

In addition to being listed on the Register of National Estate the chapel is listed as an individual item on the State Heritage Register.

The Catholic portion of the West Terrace Cemetery is the largest of the non-public sections. It was administered by the Catholic Church from its creation up until the passage of the West Terrace Cemetery Act 1976, when it and other independent portions were handed back to the State Government.

The initial portion of the cemetery was given to the Church in March 1845 following a letter by Bishop Murphy of January 18, 1845 to the Governor requesting an area for the exclusive use of Roman Catholics.

This portion comprised four-and-a-half acres and is the area known as The Blocks surrounding the Mortuary Chapel.

The first burial in the cemetery was on April 12, 1845. The cemetery was formally consecrated on January 25, 1846 by Bishop Murphy.

Funded by Public Record Office and presented by the Royal Historical Society, the awards recognise the contributions made by Victorians to the preservation of the state’s heritage.

The awards seek to encourage work that contributes to the development and appreciation of the history of Victoria and to develop awareness of best practice community history.

Local histories are the detail that underpins the grand narrative of Victorian history.

“Community history is important because this is where the love of history, the understanding of the power of history, begins,” Royal Historical Society president Andrew Lemon said.

Entries are judged on content and presentation with a view to encouraging innovative ways of recording community history across the state.

For more information and to apply visit www.historyvictoria.org.au, email historyawards@gmail.com or call project officer Janice Haynes on 0437 837 019.

“An $85m redevelopment of the Brickworks site at Thebarton could be given the go ahead within weeks. Under the plan the West Torrens Council will sell two thirds of the site to the Woolworths development arm, Fabcot, which hopes to build shops and a commercial building there. The proposal is expected to go before the Development Assessment Commission next month for approval. Council chief executive Terry Buss says the heritage part of the site will remain, along with the existing markets.”

Buss: “It will bring a revamp of that top quadrant corner of our city. Council is also proposing across the road to build a new community hub on King’s Reserve, Thebarton Oval, so that whole quadrant there at the top will see some major infrastructure.”

It’s an iconic site, but somewhat rundown. I support the redevelopment so long as the heritage buildings are retained.

In terms of the history, the current market’s website says:

Built in 1912 and operated until 1975 by Hallett Brick Industries, the Hoffman Kiln is a fascinating structure. The Hallett Company built the Hoffman Down Draught or “Bee Hive” Kiln (named after Hoffman, the German Designer) in 1912. It was the largest and first of its kind in South Australia.

The kiln had 20 compartments with a capacity of 300,000 bricks and produced a weekly output of approximately 180,000 wire-cut bricks.

The Hoffman Kiln was the first in South Australia with mechanical stokers and operated at temperatures of 2000 degrees.

The site of the Brickworks Markets was originally called Halletts Federal Yard and was chosen because of its proximity to the Torrens River.

Fortunate in the sense I now know something about an unsung South Australian sporting hero of the 19th century; sad however at his tragic end.

The SANFL this weekend celebrates Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island culture with its inaugural Indigenous Round.

As the league notes: “Throughout generations, indigenous players have made significant contributions to the game of Australian football in South Australia.”

The league has also selected an Indigenous Team of the Century. It’s a travesty the name of former North Adelaide player Harry Hewitt is missing from that team and I hope an effort is made to rectify it.

I discovered Hewitt while researching West Adelaide’s inaugural SAFA season in 1897. The Advertiser on May 26, 1897 reported that two Aboriginal players, BT Bailey and P Barker, had been “passed” to play for West Adelaide.

It was reported in a very matter-of-fact way, but I assume it meant that Aborigines needed special approval to play league football.

A further search led me to reports of Harry Hewitt, who played for Medindie, as North Adelaide was then known.

In this report from a match against South Adelaide in May 1892, The Advertiser wrote: “The Dingoes included Harry Hewitt, the Aborigine from Point MacLeay, and he played a splendid game in the ruck, defeating his opponents time after time”.

Another article on April 9, 1892 described Harry’s cricketing talents: “On January 2 against Medindie he made 126 not out, on February 13 against Milang 113 and on March 11 against Mount Barker 107 not out. Excellent performances these. Go on Harry, my boy, keep at it and you may get into an inter-colonial before long.”

Harry played at least one game for Port Adelaide. The Advertiser on August 3, 1891 described his play in a match against Fitzroy: “Hewitt, late of the Medindies, as is his wont, entered the field shoeless and stockingless, and arrayed in a gaudy guernsey, created the best part of the afternoon’s amusement by his appearance and his comical gait. He was wonderfully fast, seeming to be everywhere, and would have been a valuable man except for his infringements of the rules, for which the referee pulled him up with the utmost rigour.”

Harry was also a leader. On Friday, May 29, 1885 he captained an Aboriginal team against an SAFA combined side, known as the Wanderers, in an exhibition match.

Harry told the South Australian Register that nine of his best players were prevented from going to Adelaide and he was compelled to take substitutes who had never played before. Playing barefooted, Harry said the green grass was a drawback.

Intrigued, I searched again and sadly discovered the tragic story of Harry’s death. Here is the full report from The Advertiser of January 25, 1907:

A tragedy happened at Milang early yesterday morning amongst the blacks camped near the town, and as a result Harry Hewitt, an aboriginal, well known both at the Point Macleay Mission Station and in other parts of South Australia was killed.

There had evidently been a great disturbance in the camp, during which fierce fighting occurred. The police on visiting the place yesterday morning saw evidences everywhere of the battle, and they found the body of Hewitt who was quite dead. An examination of the corpse disclosed the fact that there was a large hole in the skull, which had apparently been caused by a terrific blow.

As a result of the inquiries made among the natives, the police arrested an aboriginal known as Tommy Lawson on suspicion of having struck the blow which caused Hewitt’s death, and he is at present in custody on a charge of murder, pending the outcome of the coroner’s inquest, which was opened at Milang yesterday afternoon.

Hewitt, who was about 40 years of ago, was well known in South Australian athletic circles. About 12 years ago he played for a cricket team in North Adelaide, which was known as the Cambridge Eleven, and he surprised his opponents on more than one occasion by his wonderful fielding. He would stop the hottest hits when the ball was travelling on or off the ground whilst his return was both accurate and rapid.

On one occasion Hewitt scored 144 not out against the Prospects. Hewitt played for a Milang team on the occasion of a turf pitch being used for the first time on the Unley Oval. In the football season his prowess as an all-round man when he was a member of the Medindie team is well remembered by old footballers.

He was not misplaced in any position in the field, but his particular forte was in the following department. As an athlete Hewitt took part in numerous sports gatherings, while as a swimmer he was no mean opponent. Besides his athletic excellences Hewitt excelled as an acrobat and gymnast, and he was for some time connected with a travelling circus.

He also took part in a variety show, playing in farces and sketches. The Salvation Army likewise claimed some of his attention, and while connected with this organisation Hewitt attained the rank of corporal. He was recognised as one of the most intelligent South Australian Aborigines at Point Macleay.

He could read and write and was conversant with a variety of subjects which are usually considered outside the ken of an ordinary native. Hewitt was a most quiet and inoffensive man and general regret is expressed at the manner of his sudden death. For the past few years Hewitt had been earning a livelihood at Milang as a fisherman.

What a remarkable man!

The Register reported that Harry was buried on January 28, 1907. “The weird screams of the wailing women around the bier, by the moonlit waters of the lake, was enough to chill the nerves of those who had never witnessed such a scene. It was simply thrilling in its blood-curdling intensity, then sad and mournful like the sighing and sobbing of the legendary Banshee of Ireland.”

Lawson stood trial for manslaughter, but was acquitted after the jury found he had acted in self defence.

Mrs Baxter, the licensee of the Pier Hotel at Milang, was found guilty of supplying Lawson with wine, and was fined five pounds.

Searching more about Harry’s life, it’s evident he was an early advocate of Aboriginal rights. The Advertiser published this forceful and heartfelt letter on February 7, 1905:

Sir, As an aboriginal, may I say a few words about the fisherman’s license? First, the white man took the land from us and killed our game, and now he expects us to pay £1 license before we can catch fish for the market. True, we can catch fish for our own use without a license, but what is the good of that? We have few opportunities for earning a livelihood, and now they are trying to stop us from earning a honest shilling. They are not getting rid of us fast enough, too they think they will starve us out. Perhaps, however, the Government have some means of keeping us in comfort, so that we won’t have to trouble about getting our living.
H. HEWITT (Aboriginal)

Harry Hewitt represents the spirit of Aboriginal Australia. He was a talented sportsman, intelligent and articulate. He was discriminated against and ridiculed for his appearance. He tragically lost his life in a drunken brawl.

As someone who played for both North Adelaide and Port Adelaide, surely he deserves to at least be recognised in the SANFL’s Indigenous Team of the Century.

I noted “the place name of his birth does not survive on maps today, but is situated near Echuca”.

That was before the internet truly developed as a research tool. Today, although there is not much on the web regarding Pannoomilloo, there is enough to identify its location and some of its history.

In particular, I recommend the National Library of Australia digitised newspapers and the Victoria Government Gazette.

The Government Gazette informed me that Pannoomilloo is near Diggora, west of Rochester, and the local school was removed in 1935.

The Argus newspaper carried other snippets, including a push for a railway siding, polling booth results from various elections and cricket scores.

Although the name of Pannoomilloo may not be widely used today, I now know where it is and have some impression of its character as a farming district.